Author : Wahid Ahmad
The
Indus Civilization, also known as the Harappan Civilization, derives its name
from the city of Harappa, located on the Ravi River's left bank in Punjab,
where its remains were first discovered.
This
civilization, flourishing during the period between 2500 and 1900 BC, was
characterized by advanced cities, social hierarchies, specialized crafts,
written communication, and long-distance trade with regions such as Mesopotamia
and Central Asia.
This
remarkable civilization emerged as a culmination of centuries of human
settlement and colonization of the fertile alluvial plains of the Indus River
system.
The
roots of the Indus Civilization trace back to the early Holocene, when
societies transitioned from hunting and gathering to agriculture and
pastoralism. This agricultural productivity laid the foundation for
urbanization and societal differentiation.
Initially,
the origins of the Indus Valley Civilization were attributed to external
influences from Mesopotamia. While the Indus Valley Civilization had trade
connections with Mesopotamia, including overland and maritime exchanges, these
interactions do not support the theory of a direct Mesopotamian origin for
Indus urban planning.
Instead,
the evidence points to a distinct cultural and technological development native
to the region.
Traces
of human habitation in the region date back to the Neolithic and Chalcolithic
or Copper Age periods, with evidence from the 7th millennium BC in the
Baluchistan foothills and the 4th millennium BCE within the Indus Valley
itself.
Excavations
at Mehrgarh in Pakistan have revealed a deep and continuous cultural evolution
in the region. Located near the Bolan Pass, a crucial link between the Indus
Plain and the highlands of Baluchistan and Afghanistan, Mehrgarh's findings trace
the roots of the Indus Valley Civilization to a Neolithic phase dating back to
the 7th millennium BCE.
This
long developmental trajectory culminated in the urban sophistication seen in
Mohenjo-Daro and Harappa by the late 3rd millennium BCE, highlighting the
uniqueness of this indigenous civilization.
By
the 3rd millennium BCE, the region was characterized by increasing trade and
cultural exchanges with neighboring areas such as Baluchistan, the Persian
Gulf, eastern Iran, and Central Asia.
Mesopotamian
texts from around 2500 BCE reference trade with regions like Dilmun, which is
the modern Persian Gulf, and Meluhha, which is widely believed to be the Indus
Valley. These interactions likely contributed to the rise of urban societies in
the region.
The
Greater Indus region, encompassing parts of modern India and Pakistan, was the
easternmost stretch of a vast cultural area extending from the Mediterranean to
the Thar Desert and from the Arabian Gulf to Central Asia.
This
region has always been home to diverse peoples, each with unique languages,
lifestyles, and cultures. Archaeological evidence suggests that this diversity
existed as far back as the Holocene, around 10,000 years ago.
Despite
this diversity, the archaeological record shows similarities in artifacts and
cultural practices, indicating strong communication and interaction among these
groups.
Innovations
spread rapidly across the region, though their acceptance might have taken
time. This exchange of ideas and practices fostered shared cultural traits
while maintaining regional distinctiveness.
Seasonal
migrations were a constant feature of life. Pastoralists from the highlands
moved to the lowlands during winter and returned in summer. These nomads were
often craftspeople, traders, and messengers, spreading news, goods, and ideas.
This
movement of people and resources was a driving force behind the interaction and
connectivity of the Indus region.
The
people of the Indus Age relied heavily on livestock, particularly cattle,
sheep, and goats. Many were pastoralists who migrated seasonally in search of
pastureland, while others were settled farmers.
This
search for resources encouraged movement and interaction across the region.
However, not all movement was linked to pastoralism—traders, craftsmen, and
even storytellers contributed to the exchange of goods and ideas.
Two
major developments defined the Indus Age: the transition to food production and
the rise of urbanization.
These
processes were deeply influenced by the interplay of local and regional
cultural practices, making the Indus Age a fascinating chapter in human
history.
The
Indus Civilization was deeply rooted in a food-producing system that relied on
domesticated crops like wheat and barley, alongside animals such as cattle,
sheep, and goats.
While
traditionally associated with West Asia, evidence emerging from Mehargrah
suggests that the borderlands of South Asia may have played a crucial role in
this agricultural transformation, highlighting the region's importance in human
history.
Unlike
other ancient civilizations, the Indus Civilization developed through local
processes rather than external influences, although it was not isolated. It
participated in extensive trade and cultural exchanges with regions like
Mesopotamia, Central Asia, and the Arabian Gulf.
Despite
these interactions, the civilization maintained its unique character and did
not adopt the hallmarks of statehood, such as kingship or centralized
bureaucracy.
The
geography of the Indus Civilization covered over a million square kilometers,
encompassing diverse terrains like the mountains of Baluchistan, the fertile
Indus plains, and the arid regions of Rajasthan and Gujarat.
Seasonal
rainfall from winter westerlies and summer monsoons supported the agricultural
economy, contributing to the civilization's resilience.
The
civilization was organized into subregions, or "Domains," that
reflected geographical and cultural diversity. These domains challenge earlier
views of the Indus culture as a uniform entity and highlight the complex
settlement patterns and social organization of its people.
The
Indus Civilization is remarkable for its absence of prominent rulers,
monumental temples, or evidence of state control. Its collective societal
progress and sustainable practices make it an extraordinary example of
sociocultural complexity, distinct from other ancient civilizations of its
time.
The
Indus River, known in ancient texts as "Sindhu," is a lifeline for
the Sindh region, transforming it from an arid landscape into fertile lands
capable of sustaining agricultural prosperity.
The
river's dynamic and often unpredictable behavior, including flooding caused
primarily by Himalayan snowmelt, has shaped the environment and settlement
patterns of the region.
Historical
reconstructions suggest that the river has changed its course multiple times,
influencing the development and eventual decline of nearby civilizations.
The
Sarasvati River, identified with the modern Ghaggar-Hakra River, played a
significant role in Vedic culture and is often celebrated in hymns as a sacred
waterway.
Geographical
and archaeological evidence indicates that the Sarasvati once flowed through
Rajasthan, forming an inland delta near Fort Derawar during the Mature Harappan
period. This area supported numerous settlements due to its naturally irrigated
and fertile soil.
However,
tectonic activity and stream capture by the Yamuna River caused the Sarasvati
to dry up, leading to its diminished role in later periods.
The
climatic conditions during the Indus Age were marked by seasonal variations
rather than long-term changes.
While
earlier theories suggested higher rainfall in the Greater Indus region,
evidence from pollen studies and lake salinity levels has been inconclusive,
with tectonic activity possibly playing a more critical role in altering
drainage patterns.
Overall,
the region's weather maintained a stable pattern of hot, wet summers and cool,
dry winters, providing a relatively consistent environment for the development
of the Indus Civilization.
These
geographical and environmental factors, combined with the adaptability of the
Indus people, contributed to the civilization's resilience and complexity.
The
Harappan civilization was extensive, with sites discovered as far afield as
Gujarat, the Ganges Valley near Delhi, the frontier with Iran at Suktagen Dor,
and Shortughai near the Oxus River in Central Asia.
While
these distant settlements may have functioned as trade outposts or colonies
rather than integral parts of a centralized empire, they illustrate the vast
reach and influence of Harappan society.
Despite
its geographical expanse, the material culture of the civilization was
remarkably uniform, although this homogeneity has occasionally been overstated.
These
intricately carved objects depict animals, numerical symbols, and an
undeciphered script. Found as far away as Mesopotamia and the Persian Gulf, alongside
standardized stone weights, the seals point to an organized system of trade.
Some
seals also convey religious imagery, featuring humans surrounded by animals or
groups of worshippers around a deity in a tree.
Technological
achievements were a hallmark of the Harappan civilization. Early excavations at
Mohenjo-Daro reveal advanced urban planning, exemplified by well-constructed
buildings, sophisticated drainage systems, and impressive public works such as
the Great Bath on the citadel of Mohenjo-Daro. Industrial-scale craft
production flourished in zones located on the periphery of residential areas,
highlighting the community's focus on functional, high-quality production over
monumental art.
The
spacious houses and elaborate drainage systems of the lower town at
Mohenjo-Daro hint at the existence of an affluent urban class whose economic
and political influence shaped the civilization’s character.
Mohenjo-Daro,
the largest city of the Indus Valley Civilization, was discovered in 1922
beneath the ruins of a Buddhist stupa. This ancient city, dating back to the
third millennium BC, stands as a testament to one of the world's earliest urban
centers.
Its ruins
reveal a civilization of remarkable sophistication, but also a fragile legacy
threatened by time and human intervention.
The story
of Mohenjo-Daro began in 1922 when local fishermen in the Indus Valley spoke of
a "bewitched" mound. The site, shunned for its eerie reputation,
attracted the attention of archaeologists. On investigating, the mound’s brick
structure was identified as the remains of a plundered stupa from the Kushana
period. Beneath it mysterious seals engraved with
animal motifs, undeciphered symbols were unearthed. These artefacts
hinted at a civilization older than any previously known in the region.
Simultaneously, identical seals were discovered at
Harappa in Punjab. In 1924, Sir John Marshall, Director-General of Archaeology
in India, announced these findings, placing the Indus Valley Civilization alongside
Egypt, Mesopotamia, and China as one of the great cradles of human history.
Before its discovery, the earliest documented history of South Asia began with
Alexander the Great's arrival in 326 BCE. Unlike Mesopotamia, Egypt, and China,
which had written records of their ancient civilizations, the Indus
Civilization remained hidden until uncovered through archaeological efforts.
Systematic
excavations of the Indus sites began in the 1920s under John Marshall, leading
to the identification of advanced urban centers like Harappa and Mohenjo-Daro,
predating Alexander the Great by millennia.
Post-Partition
research significantly expanded our understanding of the Indus Civilization. In
Pakistan, sites like Kot Diji clarified the transition from Early to Mature
Harappan phases, while Sarai Khola shed light on Neolithic and Iron Age
connections. In India, discoveries in Gujarat, such as Rangpur, Lothal,
Surkotada, and Dholavira, redefined the civilization's borderlands, with
Dholavira revealing advanced water management. Excavations at Kalibangan in the
Sarasvati Valley and Rakhigarhi, a major Mature Harappan site, further enriched
knowledge of urban planning, cemeteries, and seals, collectively enhancing
insights into the civilization's spread and complexity.
Key
findings at Mohenjo-Daro included the Great Bath, intricate drainage systems,
and iconic artifacts like the "Priest-King" statue and the
"Dancing Girl." These discoveries highlighted the civilization's
advanced urban planning, artistry, and unique cultural practices, distinct from
Vedic and Aryan traditions.
Marshall's
work established the civilization's significance, emphasizing its connections
with other Bronze Age cultures while maintaining its distinct identity. Though
large-scale excavations ceased in the 1930s, the foundational discoveries
reshaped our understanding of ancient South Asia and its cultural legacy.
Marshall’s
synthesis of the Indus Civilization offers an extensive examination of its
physical and cultural aspects. He postulated that the climate during the Bronze
Age in Pakistan and northwestern India was wetter than today, based on evidence
like the use of baked bricks for rain protection, street drains for water
management, and the absence of lions in art. However, modern scholars largely
reject the hypothesis of a wetter climate, asserting that conditions were
similar to the present. His view that the civilization demonstrated a striking
uniformity across distant sites like Mohenjo-daro and Harappa has found greater
acceptance.
Marshall
also highlighted unique cultural features, such as the quality of Indus art,
the use of cotton over flax, and the advanced writing system. He believed these
traits reflected a distinct national character, yet acknowledged shared
technologies and ideas with other Bronze Age civilizations like Sumer and
proto-Elamites. His assertion that the Harappans were not linked to Aryans or
Vedic culture, but possibly spoke Dravidian languages, was a critical
contribution to understanding their distinct identity.
On
religion, Marshall proposed that the Indus people worshipped a male god, a
female deity, and had cults associated with fertility symbols. He linked their
practices to early Shaktism and suggested connections to other contemporary
civilizations. While he meticulously argued for parallels with Mesopotamia, he
avoided conflating the Harappan culture with being “Indo-Sumerian,” instead
emphasizing the shared yet independent evolution of these societies. Marshall’s
work, though foundational, had its limitations, including speculative ideas
like the wetter climate and limited evidence for the extent of cultural
diffusion.
Given its
scale and unexplored potential, Mohenjo-Daro is
considered one of the best-preserved and most impressive Bronze Age cities in
the world. The city was built with baked bricks, and when it was abandoned, it
wasn't destroyed but simply left to decay over time. It is believed to have
been the ideological heart of the Indus Civilization, showcasing the culture’s
beliefs, urban nature, and advanced technology.
The name
"Mohenjo-daro" comes from the Sindhi language, and while some suggest
it may relate to a Hindu god, the term is more commonly understood as
"Mound of the Dead Men," with "daro" meaning
"mound" and "moen" or "muyan" meaning
"dead."
Mohenjo-daro
is known for its unique layout. There is a high mound in the west, about 400
meters by 200 meters in size, which has had several names over time. It is
separated from the Lower Town by an open, unoccupied area. The Lower Town
itself is about 1,100 meters by 650 meters in size.
Some
archaeologists believe the city was larger than what is visible today, as
subsurface surveys have found remains of buildings and pottery beyond the
current mounds. Additional remains have been found to the south and east of the
city, suggesting the area covered by Mohenjo-daro may have been even more
expansive. Based on these findings, the size of Mohenjo-daro is estimated to be
around 100 hectares, though this could change as more discoveries are made.
The Mound
of the Great Bath in Mohenjo-daro is an important part of the city, but it was
not a "citadel" meant for protection. It was an artificial platform
built using earth and broken bricks to elevate important buildings like the
Great Bath and a warehouse. The platform was held together by strong brick
walls to prevent erosion.
The
entrance to the Mound of the Great Bath is not entirely clear, but one main
entrance is through a wide staircase at the back of the mound. Visitors could
also enter through a small gate at the south-eastern corner.
The Great
Bath itself is located slightly off-center on the mound and is a large, sunken
pool about 39 feet long and 23 feet wide. It was lined with perfectly fitted
bricks and waterproofed with bitumen (a type of tar).
The water
was supplied by a well, and there was a drain for the water to flow out of the
bath. The drain had a beautifully built arch and could be used for cleaning.
The bath had steps at both ends for people to enter and a platform to stand on
while bathing.
Surrounding
the bath were rooms and small bathing chambers, and the whole area was part of
a large, organized drainage system. The exact purpose of the Great Bath is
still debated, but it was likely used for ritual or hygienic purposes.
The Great
Bath was built early in the history of Mohenjo-daro, likely during the Mature
Harappan period. Over time, its function changed, and it was eventually
abandoned. The area around it was later used for craft production. The bath was
filled in, and the site was repurposed. Evidence shows that as the structure
was used less for prestige and ritual purposes, it became a place for work and
production.
The
Warehouse, located next to the Great Bath, was a large building made mostly of
wood. It had a strong roof and wooden supports, and the walls were made from
planks, possibly from deodar trees brought from Kashmir.
The exact purpose of
the goods stored there is unclear, but they were likely used for everyday
needs, such as food, cloth, fuel, or distribution. While the Great Bath and
Warehouse are unique to Mohenjo-Daro, their relationship suggests they may have
served a specific function in this city, not necessarily in the whole Indus
Civilization.
From the Warehouse, a
large staircase led down to the floodplain, offering a wide view of the
surrounding landscape. There were no walls around the city, even near the
warehouse, making it an open area.
The College of Priests
was likely the residence of a high official, possibly the high priest or a
group of priests. It was a large building, about 70 meters long and 24 meters
wide, with significant changes over time. The design included large rooms on
the north and south sides, with smaller rooms in the middle.
The people who
frequented the Great Bath, Warehouse, and College of Priests were likely
high-ranking individuals, religious specialists, officials, and respected
members of society. These people may have lived in or near the College of
Priests.
It is unlikely that ordinary citizens of
Mohenjo-daro would have had access to this area, symbolizing exclusivity and
power. It was likely a place for elites to oversee the city and its lower
classes, using both physical separation and height to maintain a symbolic
division of social roles.
The Great Bath at Mohenjo-daro
is unique within the Indus Civilization, with no such structures found at other
sites. The people using it may not have been priest-kings, but they likely held
some form of political influence.
The "L Area"
at the southern end of the Mound of the Great Bath is important, but its
function is still unclear. Some believe it was an assembly hall for priests or
monks, similar to Buddhist caves, while some thought it might have been a
marketplace. Some suggest it could have been an audience chamber, with the
building being about 23 by 27 meters, featuring four rows of columns and a
strange paving pattern between them that remains a mystery.
East of the citadel,
separated by a 200-meter-wide strip of open ground, is the lower town, the
primary residential area. This layout, characterized by a clear division
between the administrative and residential zones, is a hallmark of Indus Valley
cities and is also observed at Harappa and Kalibangan. The lower town sits on a
rectangular mound that has eroded over time but remains visible. A main road
runs north to south, while two deep depressions in the south, running east to
west, form small hills that Marshall once linked to the Indus River.
The best way to enter
Mohenjo-daro’s Lower Town today is through the H R Area in the southwestern
part of the site. This area reveals a lot about the city's history, including
evidence of late settlement and even a massive fire towards the end of its
existence.
One of the most
striking features is First Street, a wide road over 10 meters across. It was
likely used for wheeled transport, though there’s no clear evidence of carts
being used within the city. The street is lined with tall, blank brick walls,
with very few doors or windows—suggesting that the people of Mohenjo-daro
valued privacy and security.
There are two modern
parts to the HR Area: Section A to the east and Section B to the west.
As you walk through Coming north, up First
Street, one sees to the right House 1 of HR-A, believed to have been a temple.
Nearby is Deadman’s
Lane, a narrow street with an eerie past—excavators found a human skeleton
lying at its end, giving the street its name.
Most of the buildings
in this area were homes of the city’s elite, featuring large courtyards, solid
baked-brick walls, and well-planned layouts. These houses reflect the advanced
urban planning and social structure of Mohenjo-daro, showing a city built for
both comfort and order.
In the HR A area, House
8 was one of the grand residences of Mohenjo-daro, located in an upscale
neighborhood near First Street. Built with thick baked-brick walls, the house
reflected the wealth and status of its owners. Its construction and design
suggest that it was a well-planned structure meant for a luxurious lifestyle.
The house had two
entrances—a main door on High Lane and a back door—offering both privacy and
security. Inside, a central courtyard served as the heart of the home, likely
open to the sky to allow light and ventilation.
The house had no
exterior windows, which kept the lower floors dark but also helped to maintain
a cooler indoor environment, an important feature of Mohenjo-daro’s hot
climate.
A well-structured
drainage system was in place, designed primarily for rainwater and domestic
waste rather than sewage. There was also a private well inside a small room,
providing easy access to water. Next to it, bathing areas were built with brick
floors, and they had a small drain leading to the street, a sign of the city's
advanced sanitation system.
A staircase led to the
upper floor, where rooms were arranged around the open courtyard. This design
helped with airflow, making the upper floors more livable during Mohenjo-daro’s
scorching summers. The presence of multiple rooms, including storage areas and
possibly servant quarters, suggests that the household was well-staffed.
Excavations at House
VIII revealed millstones and wheat grains, indicating that food storage and
grinding took place in the courtyard. A large number of shell bangles and other
artifacts were also discovered, hinting at the presence of craftsmen or trade
connections.
These findings further
emphasize that the residents of House VIII were part of Mohenjo-daro’s elite
society.
The HR-B Area in the
Lower Town of Mohenjo-Daro reveals significant aspects of urban planning,
economic activities, and daily life through specific findings. Among the most
notable is the residential architecture.
Lane 1 leads into the
northern part of HR-B. Turning left onto Street 2 leads south into Block 2.
House 8 has a rare kiln
in Room 17, a late addition to the city. Room 8 contained a significant jewelry
hoard, including two silver vases. Their oxidation preserved traces of cotton
fabric, confirming its use in Mohenjo-daro.
House 5, the largest
structure in Block 2, features a central courtyard, a private well, and
multiple rooms. It is known for the HR Area tragedy, where archaeologists found
human skeletal remains, suggesting a catastrophic event.
Theories range from
invasion and massacre to disease or flooding. Later studies challenged the
invasion theory, noting the skeletons were in different layers, not a single
event.
Room 49 in House 5 has Mohenjo-daro’s
only corbelled arch doorway. Its 5-meter-high walls have beam holes for large
rafters, indicating a ceiling built for heavy loads. Excavations uncovered 18
large ring stones.
The VS Area, north of First Street,
comprises VS-B (east) and VS-A (west). VS-B has three houses with limited documentation, while VS-A features Block 4 and human remains in Block 3, Lane 4, suggesting a tragic event.
East of
VS, the Moneer Area, contained stone-cutting workshops for beads,
weights, and copper tools, indicating its role in the craft industry.
The DK-A Area has a wide east-west street, possibly part
of a city grid. DK-B,
representing Mohenjo-daro’s final phase, shows poorly built structures, reflecting urban decline.
The DK-C Area (7,800 sq. m) yielded a jewelry hoard in a silver vase,
possibly hidden due to conflict. Trench
E, a 400-meter-long excavation,
was conducted at the city's northern end.
The DK-G
Area of Mohenjo-daro, covering 28,000 square meters.
A major east-west road, called Central Street,
divided it into Northern and Southern Portions. Another
important road, West Street, ran parallel to First
Street in the Northern Portion.
Some blocks
in the north were built on raised platforms, possibly to accommodate a
growing population, which challenges the idea of the city's
decline. Craft activity continued here, and three
hoards of copper-bronze objects, including a prancing goat figurine, were found. The westernmost
blocks were poorly built, indicating declining
construction quality in Mohenjo-daro’s final years.
Conclusion
Mohenjo-daro stands out as one of the most iconic
cities of the Indus Civilization, with its advanced urban planning, wealth, and
architectural achievements. The city represents a culmination of the
socio-political, economic, and cultural ideals of the Indus people. Its urban
design, particularly the use of baked brick and the Great Bath, indicates a
well-organized and prosperous society. Unlike other Indus cities, Mohenjo-daro
shows a level of sustained investment in its infrastructure, which suggests
that it, was not just another settlement, but an essential representation of
what it meant to be part of the Indus Civilization.
The inhabitants of Mohenjo-daro were likely part of
a socially stratified society, with elites residing in monumental structures,
such as those near the Great Bath. These elite individuals could have included
leaders, ritual specialists, or administrators who played a key role in the
city's functioning. Additionally, it is possible that travellers, potentially
of a higher social class, stayed in facilities designed for short-term use,
evidenced by bathing platforms and other amenities tailored for comfort. While
the wealthier classes lived in large, well-planned homes, the lower classes,
including possible servants, might have occupied the lower levels of these
structures.
Despite its architectural grandeur, Mohenjo-daro
was not a place where farmers and herders lived permanently. While there was
likely agricultural activity in the surrounding areas, it seems that most of
the city's population was not directly involved in farming or pastoralism. The
upper classes may have owned agricultural lands or managed them, but the
day-to-day work of farming would have been carried out outside the city. This
is supported by the fact that the city appears to have been more focused on
craft production, commerce, and administrative activities rather than primary
agricultural work. The presence of commercial buildings and storage facilities
indicates that Mohenjo-daro functioned as a vibrant center for trade.
In the later phases of Mohenjo-daro's history, the
city became a hub for craft production, especially in areas like DK-G South.
This shift suggests a change in the social fabric of the city, where
craftspersons may have begun to play a more prominent role in the city's
economy. Although there is evidence of commerce and trade, the archaeological
findings do not provide a complete picture of how commercial activities were
organized or operated. As a result, while it is clear that Mohenjo-daro was a
center of wealth and activity, much of the everyday life and function of its
buildings remains enigmatic.
The abandonment of Mohenjo-daro remains one of the
most intriguing mysteries of ancient history. While the exact reasons for its
decline are not fully understood, several factors likely contributed to its
fall, with the collapse of the Indus Civilization's ideological, social, and
economic structure being a key aspect.
One of the central theories is that a failure of
the Indus Civilization’s ideology may have led to the downfall of Mohenjo-daro.
The city, representing the ideals of the Mature Harappan phase, was built on
principles of urban planning, communal living, and religious or ritual
significance. If these foundational principles were undermined—perhaps due to
shifts in religious beliefs, political authority, or economic systems—the city
could have lost its cohesion and purpose. The abandonment of crucial civic and
religious structures, such as the Great Bath and the Warehouse, suggests a
decline in the social and administrative functions that once sustained the
city. These buildings, which were central to Mohenjo-daro's identity and urban
life, losing their relevance or ceasing to be maintained might have been
indicative of broader societal breakdowns.
By 1900 BCE, urban centers like Harappa and
Mohenjo-daro ceased to function as complex societies. Life persisted in the
plains and mountains of northwestern India and Pakistan. While older traditions
persisted, significant cultural changes occurred, including shifts in ideology
and the adoption of new customs.
Around 1000 BCE, the widespread use of smelted iron
marked a technological and cultural transition. Alongside this development, the
Vedas, foundational texts of Hinduism, emerged, signalling the end of the Indus
Age and the beginning of a new historical phase more closely associated with
the modern world.
The Harappan civilization, in its mature form,
appears to have ended around 1800 BC. For years, the discovery of scattered
skeletons in the ruins of Mohenjo-Daro fueled theories of a violent invasion
that massacred its inhabitants. However, more recent findings suggest a more
complex narrative. Not all the skeletons belong to the civilization's final
days, and signs indicate that the city experienced a gradual decline before its
eventual abandonment. Historical records and archaeological evidence also point
to significant population movements around 1700 BC, which may have contributed
to the broader upheaval of that era.
Despite its decline, the Harappan civilization did
not vanish entirely at the onset of this period. In fact, advances in
agriculture during this time point to a thriving adaptation of society. Staple
winter crops like wheat and barley, once central to Harappan diets, were joined
by summer crops such as rice, millet, and sorghum. These innovations, along
with a mix of environmental and socio-economic factors, likely destabilized the
established urban centers. Even so, aspects of Harappan material culture
persisted into the second millennium BCE, influencing settlements in the Indus
Valley and extending as far as the Ganges plain near present-day Delhi. Far
from being annihilated, the Harappan legacy contributed to the foundation of
ancient Indian culture, shaping its evolution well into the first millennium
BCE.
Our understanding of Mohenjo-Daro remains
incomplete, with many questions unanswered. Key aspects, such as the location
of the city’s cemeteries or its relationship with surrounding settlements,
remain shrouded in mystery. Some theories suggest that Mohenjo-Daro was a
central hub, supported by smaller outpost towns that supplied food and utilized
its services. However, confirming this theory is challenging due to the
possibility that surrounding sites and cemeteries have been buried under Indus
River sediments or rendered inaccessible by rising groundwater levels.
The platform on which Mohenjo-Daro was built
provides clues to its development and challenges. Constructed from massive
amounts of clay, the platform protected the city from flooding in the Indus
Valley, where annual sediment deposits raised the river plains. However, the
exact extent of groundwater rise over the centuries remains uncertain, with
estimates varying from 3 to 15 meters. Early excavators believed this rise
obliterated the oldest layers of the city, limiting knowledge of its origins.
Recent discoveries of kiln-fired pottery at depths of 16 to 20 meters suggest
the city’s earliest stages may still lie buried.
Further investigations have explored theories about
the city's disappearance. One theory proposes that Mohenjo-Daro was engulfed in
mud following the bursting of a natural dam on the Indus River. While clay
deposits analyzed from the site’s citadel area were thought to support this
idea, subsequent granulometric studies revealed that the clay was likely used
for construction, not deposited by flooding.
Archaeological surveys have begun revealing parts
of the city’s platform and surrounding features. These findings suggest the
clay for the platform might have been extracted from areas near the site, potentially
leaving trenches that could still hold important artifacts. However, such
trenches were often used as refuse dumps, complicating the interpretation of
finds like pottery at great depths.
Despite the city’s apparent demise, Mohenjo-Daro
remains a vital subject of study. On-going research seeks to clarify its
development, social organization, and the causes of its decline. While early
theories, such as Mesopotamian influence, have guided investigations, modern
techniques and interdisciplinary approaches promise to uncover new insights
into this ancient urban marvel. Mohenjo-Daro’s story is far from complete,
offering endless possibilities for discovery and understanding.