Author : Wahid Ahmad
The Indus Civilization,
also known as the Harappan Civilization, derives its name from the city of
Harappa, located on the Ravi River's left bank in Punjab, where its remains
were first discovered.
This civilization,
flourishing during the period between 2500 and 1900 BC, was characterized by
advanced cities, social hierarchies, specialized crafts, written communication,
and long-distance trade with regions such as Mesopotamia and Central Asia.
This remarkable
civilization emerged as a culmination of centuries of human settlement and
colonization of the fertile alluvial plains of the Indus River system.
The roots of the Indus
Civilization trace back to the early Holocene, when societies transitioned from
hunting and gathering to agriculture and pastoralism. This agricultural
productivity laid the foundation for urbanization and societal differentiation.
Initially, the origins of
the Indus Valley Civilization were attributed to external influences from
Mesopotamia. While the Indus Valley Civilization had trade connections with
Mesopotamia, including overland and maritime exchanges, these interactions do
not support the theory of a direct Mesopotamian origin for Indus urban
planning.
Instead, the evidence
points to a distinct cultural and technological development native to the
region.
Traces of human habitation
in the region date back to the Neolithic and Chalcolithic or Copper Age
periods, with evidence from the 7th millennium BC in the Baluchistan foothills
and the 4th millennium BCE within the Indus Valley itself.
Excavations at Mehrgarh in
Pakistan have revealed a deep and continuous cultural evolution in the region.
Located near the Bolan Pass, a crucial link between the Indus Plain and the
highlands of Baluchistan and Afghanistan, Mehrgarh's findings trace the roots
of the Indus Valley Civilization to a Neolithic phase dating back to the 7th
millennium BCE.
This long developmental
trajectory culminated in the urban sophistication seen in Mohenjo-Daro and
Harappa by the late 3rd millennium BCE, highlighting the uniqueness of this
indigenous civilization.
By the 3rd millennium BCE,
the region was characterized by increasing trade and cultural exchanges with
neighboring areas such as Baluchistan, the Persian Gulf, eastern Iran, and
Central Asia.
Mesopotamian texts from
around 2500 BCE reference trade with regions like Dilmun, which is the modern
Persian Gulf, and Meluhha, which is widely believed to be the Indus Valley.
These interactions likely contributed to the rise of urban societies in the
region.
The Greater Indus region,
encompassing parts of modern India and Pakistan, was the easternmost stretch of
a vast cultural area extending from the Mediterranean to the Thar Desert and
from the Arabian Gulf to Central Asia.
This region has always been
home to diverse peoples, each with unique languages, lifestyles, and cultures.
Archaeological evidence suggests that this diversity existed as far back as the
Holocene, around 10,000 years ago.
Despite this diversity, the
archaeological record shows similarities in artifacts and cultural practices,
indicating strong communication and interaction among these groups.
Innovations spread rapidly
across the region, though their acceptance might have taken time. This exchange
of ideas and practices fostered shared cultural traits while maintaining
regional distinctiveness.
Seasonal migrations were a
constant feature of life. Pastoralists from the highlands moved to the lowlands
during winter and returned in summer. These nomads were often craftspeople,
traders, and messengers, spreading news, goods, and ideas.
This movement of people and
resources was a driving force behind the interaction and connectivity of the
Indus region.
The people of the Indus Age
relied heavily on livestock, particularly cattle, sheep, and goats. Many were
pastoralists who migrated seasonally in search of pastureland, while others
were settled farmers.
This search for resources
encouraged movement and interaction across the region. However, not all
movement was linked to pastoralism—traders, craftsmen, and even storytellers
contributed to the exchange of goods and ideas.
Two major developments
defined the Indus Age: the transition to food production and the rise of
urbanization.
These processes were deeply
influenced by the interplay of local and regional cultural practices, making
the Indus Age a fascinating chapter in human history.
The Indus Civilization was
deeply rooted in a food-producing system that relied on domesticated crops like
wheat and barley, alongside animals such as cattle, sheep, and goats.
While traditionally
associated with West Asia, evidence emerging from Mehargrah suggests that the
borderlands of South Asia may have played a crucial role in this agricultural
transformation, highlighting the region's importance in human history.
Unlike other ancient
civilizations, the Indus Civilization developed through local processes rather
than external influences, although it was not isolated. It participated in
extensive trade and cultural exchanges with regions like Mesopotamia, Central Asia,
and the Arabian Gulf.
Despite these interactions,
the civilization maintained its unique character and did not adopt the
hallmarks of statehood, such as kingship or centralized bureaucracy.
The geography of the Indus
Civilization covered over a million square kilometers, encompassing diverse
terrains like the mountains of Baluchistan, the fertile Indus plains, and the
arid regions of Rajasthan and Gujarat.
Seasonal rainfall from
winter westerlies and summer monsoons supported the agricultural economy, contributing
to the civilization's resilience.
The civilization was
organized into subregions, or "Domains," that reflected geographical
and cultural diversity. These domains challenge earlier views of the Indus
culture as a uniform entity and highlight the complex settlement patterns and
social organization of its people.
The Indus Civilization is
remarkable for its absence of prominent rulers, monumental temples, or evidence
of state control. Its collective societal progress and sustainable practices
make it an extraordinary example of sociocultural complexity, distinct from
other ancient civilizations of its time.
The Indus River, known in
ancient texts as "Sindhu," is a lifeline for the Sindh region,
transforming it from an arid landscape into fertile lands capable of sustaining
agricultural prosperity.
The river's dynamic and
often unpredictable behavior, including flooding caused primarily by Himalayan
snowmelt, has shaped the environment and settlement patterns of the region.
Historical reconstructions
suggest that the river has changed its course multiple times, influencing the
development and eventual decline of nearby civilizations.
The Sarasvati River, identified
with the modern Ghaggar-Hakra River, played a significant role in Vedic culture
and is often celebrated in hymns as a sacred waterway.
Geographical and
archaeological evidence indicates that the Sarasvati once flowed through
Rajasthan, forming an inland delta near Fort Derawar during the Mature Harappan
period. This area supported numerous settlements due to its naturally irrigated
and fertile soil.
However, tectonic activity
and stream capture by the Yamuna River caused the Sarasvati to dry up, leading
to its diminished role in later periods.
The climatic conditions
during the Indus Age were marked by seasonal variations rather than long-term
changes.
While earlier theories
suggested higher rainfall in the Greater Indus region, evidence from pollen
studies and lake salinity levels has been inconclusive, with tectonic activity
possibly playing a more critical role in altering drainage patterns.
Overall, the region's
weather maintained a stable pattern of hot, wet summers and cool, dry winters,
providing a relatively consistent environment for the development of the Indus
Civilization.
These geographical and
environmental factors, combined with the adaptability of the Indus people,
contributed to the civilization's resilience and complexity.
The Harappan civilization
was extensive, with sites discovered as far afield as Gujarat, the Ganges
Valley near Delhi, the frontier with Iran at Suktagen Dor, and Shortughai near
the Oxus River in Central Asia.
While these distant
settlements may have functioned as trade outposts or colonies rather than
integral parts of a centralized empire, they illustrate the vast reach and
influence of Harappan society.
Despite its geographical
expanse, the material culture of the civilization was remarkably uniform,
although this homogeneity has occasionally been overstated.
These intricately carved
objects depict animals, numerical symbols, and an undeciphered script. Found as
far away as Mesopotamia and the Persian Gulf, alongside standardized stone
weights, the seals point to an organized system of trade.
Some seals also convey
religious imagery, featuring humans surrounded by animals or groups of
worshippers around a deity in a tree.
Technological achievements were a hallmark
of the Harappan civilization. Early excavations at Mohenjo-Daro reveal advanced
urban planning, exemplified by well-constructed buildings, sophisticated
drainage systems, and impressive public works such as the Great Bath on the
citadel of Mohenjo-Daro. Industrial-scale craft production flourished in zones
located on the periphery of residential areas, highlighting the community's
focus on functional, high-quality production over monumental art.
The spacious houses and elaborate
drainage systems of the lower town at Mohenjo-Daro hint at the existence of an
affluent urban class whose economic and political influence shaped the
civilization’s character.
Mohenjo-Daro, the largest city of the
Indus Valley Civilization, was discovered in 1922 beneath the ruins of a
Buddhist stupa. This ancient city, dating back to the third millennium BC,
stands as a testament to one of the world's earliest urban centers.
Its ruins reveal a civilization of remarkable
sophistication, but also a fragile legacy threatened by time and human
intervention.
The story of Mohenjo-Daro began in 1922 when local
fishermen in the Indus Valley spoke of a "bewitched" mound. The site,
shunned for its eerie reputation, attracted the attention of archaeologists. On
investigating, the mound’s brick structure was identified as the remains of a
plundered stupa from the Kushana period. Beneath it
mysterious seals engraved with animal motifs, undeciphered symbols were
unearthed. These artefacts hinted at a civilization older than any
previously known in the region.
Simultaneously,
identical seals were discovered at Harappa in Punjab. In 1924, Sir John
Marshall, Director-General of Archaeology in India, announced these findings,
placing the Indus Valley Civilization alongside Egypt, Mesopotamia, and China
as one of the great cradles of human history. Before its discovery, the
earliest documented history of South Asia began with Alexander the Great's
arrival in 326 BCE. Unlike Mesopotamia, Egypt, and China, which had written
records of their ancient civilizations, the Indus Civilization remained hidden
until uncovered through archaeological efforts.
Systematic excavations of the Indus sites
began in the 1920s under John Marshall, leading to the identification of
advanced urban centers like Harappa and Mohenjo-Daro, predating Alexander the
Great by millennia.
Post-Partition research significantly
expanded our understanding of the Indus Civilization. In Pakistan, sites like
Kot Diji clarified the transition from Early to Mature Harappan phases, while
Sarai Khola shed light on Neolithic and Iron Age connections. In India,
discoveries in Gujarat, such as Rangpur, Lothal, Surkotada, and Dholavira,
redefined the civilization's borderlands, with Dholavira revealing advanced
water management. Excavations at Kalibangan in the Sarasvati Valley and
Rakhigarhi, a major Mature Harappan site, further enriched knowledge of urban
planning, cemeteries, and seals, collectively enhancing insights into the
civilization's spread and complexity.
Key findings at Mohenjo-Daro included the
Great Bath, intricate drainage systems, and iconic artifacts like the
"Priest-King" statue and the "Dancing Girl." These
discoveries highlighted the civilization's advanced urban planning, artistry,
and unique cultural practices, distinct from Vedic and Aryan traditions.
Marshall's work established the civilization's
significance, emphasizing its connections with other Bronze Age cultures while
maintaining its distinct identity. Though large-scale excavations ceased in the
1930s, the foundational discoveries reshaped our understanding of ancient South
Asia and its cultural legacy.
Marshall’s synthesis of the Indus
Civilization offers an extensive examination of its physical and cultural
aspects. He postulated that the climate during the Bronze Age in Pakistan and
northwestern India was wetter than today, based on evidence like the use of
baked bricks for rain protection, street drains for water management, and the
absence of lions in art. However, modern scholars largely reject the hypothesis
of a wetter climate, asserting that conditions were similar to the present. His
view that the civilization demonstrated a striking uniformity across distant
sites like Mohenjo-daro and Harappa has found greater acceptance.
Marshall also highlighted unique
cultural features, such as the quality of Indus art, the use of cotton over
flax, and the advanced writing system. He believed these traits reflected a
distinct national character, yet acknowledged shared technologies and ideas
with other Bronze Age civilizations like Sumer and proto-Elamites. His
assertion that the Harappans were not linked to Aryans or Vedic culture, but
possibly spoke Dravidian languages, was a critical contribution to
understanding their distinct identity.
On religion, Marshall proposed that
the Indus people worshipped a male god, a female deity, and had cults
associated with fertility symbols. He linked their practices to early Shaktism
and suggested connections to other contemporary civilizations. While he
meticulously argued for parallels with Mesopotamia, he avoided conflating the
Harappan culture with being “Indo-Sumerian,” instead emphasizing the shared yet
independent evolution of these societies. Marshall’s work, though foundational,
had its limitations, including speculative ideas like the wetter climate and
limited evidence for the extent of cultural diffusion.
Given its scale and unexplored potential,
Mohenjo-Daro is considered one of the best-preserved
and most impressive Bronze Age cities in the world. The city was built with
baked bricks, and when it was abandoned, it wasn't destroyed but simply left to
decay over time. It is believed to have been the ideological heart of the Indus
Civilization, showcasing the culture’s beliefs, urban nature, and advanced technology.
The name "Mohenjo-daro"
comes from the Sindhi language, and while some suggest it may relate to a Hindu
god, the term is more commonly understood as "Mound of the Dead Men,"
with "daro" meaning "mound" and "moen" or
"muyan" meaning "dead."
Mohenjo-daro is known for its unique
layout. There is a high mound in the west, about 400 meters by 200 meters in
size, which has had several names over time. It is separated from the Lower
Town by an open, unoccupied area. The Lower Town itself is about 1,100 meters
by 650 meters in size.
Some archaeologists believe the city
was larger than what is visible today, as subsurface surveys have found remains
of buildings and pottery beyond the current mounds. Additional remains have
been found to the south and east of the city, suggesting the area covered by
Mohenjo-daro may have been even more expansive. Based on these findings, the
size of Mohenjo-daro is estimated to be around 100 hectares, though this could
change as more discoveries are made.
The Mound of the Great Bath in
Mohenjo-daro is an important part of the city, but it was not a
"citadel" meant for protection. It was an artificial platform built
using earth and broken bricks to elevate important buildings like the Great
Bath and a warehouse. The platform was held together by strong brick walls to
prevent erosion.
The entrance to the Mound of the
Great Bath is not entirely clear, but one main entrance is through a wide
staircase at the back of the mound. Visitors could also enter through a small
gate at the south-eastern corner.
The Great Bath itself is located
slightly off-center on the mound and is a large, sunken pool about 39 feet long
and 23 feet wide. It was lined with perfectly fitted bricks and waterproofed
with bitumen (a type of tar).
The water was supplied by a well, and
there was a drain for the water to flow out of the bath. The drain had a
beautifully built arch and could be used for cleaning. The bath had steps at
both ends for people to enter and a platform to stand on while bathing.
Surrounding the bath were rooms and
small bathing chambers, and the whole area was part of a large, organized
drainage system. The exact purpose of the Great Bath is still debated, but it
was likely used for ritual or hygienic purposes.
The Great Bath was built early in the history of
Mohenjo-daro, likely during the Mature Harappan period. Over time, its function
changed, and it was eventually abandoned. The area around it was later used for
craft production. The bath was filled in, and the site was repurposed. Evidence
shows that as the structure was used less for prestige and ritual purposes, it
became a place for work and production.
The Warehouse, located next to the Great Bath, was
a large building made mostly of wood. It had a strong roof and wooden supports,
and the walls were made from planks, possibly from deodar trees brought from
Kashmir.
The exact purpose of the goods stored there is
unclear, but they were likely used for everyday needs, such as food, cloth,
fuel, or distribution. While the Great Bath and Warehouse are unique to
Mohenjo-Daro, their relationship suggests they may have served a specific
function in this city, not necessarily in the whole Indus Civilization.
From the Warehouse, a large staircase led down to
the floodplain, offering a wide view of the surrounding landscape. There were
no walls around the city, even near the warehouse, making it an open area.
The College of Priests was likely the residence of
a high official, possibly the high priest or a group of priests. It was a large
building, about 70 meters long and 24 meters wide, with significant changes
over time. The design included large rooms on the north and south sides, with
smaller rooms in the middle.
The people who frequented the Great Bath, Warehouse,
and College of Priests were likely high-ranking individuals, religious
specialists, officials, and respected members of society. These people may have
lived in or near the College of Priests.
It is
unlikely that ordinary citizens of Mohenjo-daro would have had access to this
area, symbolizing exclusivity and power. It was likely a place for elites to
oversee the city and its lower classes, using both physical separation and
height to maintain a symbolic division of social roles.
The Great Bath at Mohenjo-daro is unique within the
Indus Civilization, with no such structures found at other sites. The people
using it may not have been priest-kings, but they likely held some form of
political influence.
The "L Area" at the southern end of the
Mound of the Great Bath is important, but its function is still unclear. Some
believe it was an assembly hall for priests or monks, similar to Buddhist
caves, while some thought it might have been a marketplace. Some suggest it
could have been an audience chamber, with the building being about 23 by 27
meters, featuring four rows of columns and a strange paving pattern between
them that remains a mystery.
East of the citadel, separated by a 200-meter-wide
strip of open ground, is the lower town, the primary residential area. This
layout, characterized by a clear division between the administrative and
residential zones, is a hallmark of Indus Valley cities and is also observed at
Harappa and Kalibangan. The lower town sits on a rectangular mound that has
eroded over time but remains visible. A main road runs north to south, while
two deep depressions in the south, running east to west, form small hills that Marshall
once linked to the Indus River.
The best way to enter Mohenjo-daro’s Lower Town
today is through the H R Area in the southwestern part of the site. This area
reveals a lot about the city's history, including evidence of late settlement
and even a massive fire towards the end of its existence.
One of the most striking features is First Street,
a wide road over 10 meters across. It was likely used for wheeled transport,
though there’s no clear evidence of carts being used within the city. The street
is lined with tall, blank brick walls, with very few doors or
windows—suggesting that the people of Mohenjo-daro valued privacy and security.
There are two modern parts to the HR Area: Section
A to the east and Section B to the west.
As you walk
through Coming north, up First Street, one sees to the right House 1 of HR-A,
believed to have been a temple.
Nearby is Deadman’s Lane, a narrow street with an
eerie past—excavators found a human skeleton lying at its end, giving the
street its name.
Most of the buildings in this area were homes of
the city’s elite, featuring large courtyards, solid baked-brick walls, and
well-planned layouts. These houses reflect the advanced urban planning and
social structure of Mohenjo-daro, showing a city built for both comfort and
order.
In the HR A area, House 8 was one of the grand
residences of Mohenjo-daro, located in an upscale neighborhood near First
Street. Built with thick baked-brick walls, the house reflected the wealth and
status of its owners. Its construction and design suggest that it was a
well-planned structure meant for a luxurious lifestyle.
The house had two entrances—a main door on High
Lane and a back door—offering both privacy and security. Inside, a central
courtyard served as the heart of the home, likely open to the sky to allow
light and ventilation.
The house had no exterior windows, which kept the
lower floors dark but also helped to maintain a cooler indoor environment, an
important feature of Mohenjo-daro’s hot climate.
A well-structured drainage system was in place,
designed primarily for rainwater and domestic waste rather than sewage. There
was also a private well inside a small room, providing easy access to water.
Next to it, bathing areas were built with brick floors, and they had a small
drain leading to the street, a sign of the city's advanced sanitation system.
A staircase led to the upper floor, where rooms
were arranged around the open courtyard. This design helped with airflow,
making the upper floors more livable during Mohenjo-daro’s scorching summers.
The presence of multiple rooms, including storage areas and possibly servant
quarters, suggests that the household was well-staffed.
Excavations at House VIII revealed millstones and
wheat grains, indicating that food storage and grinding took place in the
courtyard. A large number of shell bangles and other artifacts were also
discovered, hinting at the presence of craftsmen or trade connections.
These findings further emphasize that the residents
of House VIII were part of Mohenjo-daro’s elite society.
The HR-B Area in the Lower Town of Mohenjo-Daro
reveals significant aspects of urban planning, economic activities, and daily
life through specific findings. Among the most notable is the residential
architecture.
Lane 1 leads into the northern part of HR-B.
Turning left onto Street 2 leads south into Block 2.
House 8 has a rare kiln in Room 17, a late addition
to the city. Room 8 contained a significant jewelry hoard, including two silver
vases. Their oxidation preserved traces of cotton fabric, confirming its use in
Mohenjo-daro.
House 5, the largest structure in Block 2, features
a central courtyard, a private well, and multiple rooms. It is known for the HR
Area tragedy, where archaeologists found human skeletal remains, suggesting a
catastrophic event.
Theories range from invasion and massacre to
disease or flooding. Later studies challenged the invasion theory, noting the
skeletons were in different layers, not a single event.
Room 49 in House 5 has Mohenjo-daro’s only
corbelled arch doorway. Its 5-meter-high walls have beam holes for large
rafters, indicating a ceiling built for heavy loads. Excavations uncovered 18
large ring stones.
The VS Area,
north of First Street, comprises VS-B
(east) and VS-A (west). VS-B has three houses with limited
documentation, while VS-A
features Block 4 and human
remains in Block 3, Lane 4,
suggesting a tragic event.
East of VS, the Moneer Area, contained stone-cutting
workshops for beads, weights, and copper tools, indicating its role in
the craft industry.
The DK-A
Area has a wide east-west street,
possibly part of a city grid. DK-B,
representing Mohenjo-daro’s final phase, shows poorly built structures, reflecting urban decline.
The DK-C
Area (7,800 sq. m) yielded a jewelry
hoard in a silver vase, possibly hidden due to conflict. Trench E, a 400-meter-long excavation, was conducted at the city's northern
end.
The DK-G Area of
Mohenjo-daro, covering 28,000 square meters. A major east-west
road, called Central Street, divided it into Northern
and Southern Portions. Another important road, West Street,
ran parallel to First Street in the Northern Portion.
Some blocks in the north were
built on raised platforms, possibly to accommodate a growing
population, which challenges the idea of the city's decline. Craft
activity continued here, and three hoards of copper-bronze
objects, including a prancing goat figurine, were found. The westernmost
blocks were poorly built, indicating declining
construction quality in Mohenjo-daro’s final years.
Conclusion
Mohenjo-daro
stands out as one of the most iconic cities of the Indus Civilization, with its
advanced urban planning, wealth, and architectural achievements. The city
represents a culmination of the socio-political, economic, and cultural ideals
of the Indus people. Its urban design, particularly the use of baked brick and
the Great Bath, indicates a well-organized and prosperous society. Unlike other
Indus cities, Mohenjo-daro shows a level of sustained investment in its
infrastructure, which suggests that it, was not just another settlement, but an
essential representation of what it meant to be part of the Indus Civilization.
The
inhabitants of Mohenjo-daro were likely part of a socially stratified society,
with elites residing in monumental structures, such as those near the Great
Bath. These elite individuals could have included leaders, ritual specialists,
or administrators who played a key role in the city's functioning.
Additionally, it is possible that travellers, potentially of a higher social
class, stayed in facilities designed for short-term use, evidenced by bathing
platforms and other amenities tailored for comfort. While the wealthier classes
lived in large, well-planned homes, the lower classes, including possible
servants, might have occupied the lower levels of these structures.
Despite its
architectural grandeur, Mohenjo-daro was not a place where farmers and herders
lived permanently. While there was likely agricultural activity in the
surrounding areas, it seems that most of the city's population was not directly
involved in farming or pastoralism. The upper classes may have owned
agricultural lands or managed them, but the day-to-day work of farming would
have been carried out outside the city. This is supported by the fact that the
city appears to have been more focused on craft production, commerce, and
administrative activities rather than primary agricultural work. The presence
of commercial buildings and storage facilities indicates that Mohenjo-daro
functioned as a vibrant center for trade.
In the later
phases of Mohenjo-daro's history, the city became a hub for craft production,
especially in areas like DK-G South. This shift suggests a change in the social
fabric of the city, where craftspersons may have begun to play a more prominent
role in the city's economy. Although there is evidence of commerce and trade,
the archaeological findings do not provide a complete picture of how commercial
activities were organized or operated. As a result, while it is clear that
Mohenjo-daro was a center of wealth and activity, much of the everyday life and
function of its buildings remains enigmatic.
The
abandonment of Mohenjo-daro remains one of the most intriguing mysteries of
ancient history. While the exact reasons for its decline are not fully
understood, several factors likely contributed to its fall, with the collapse
of the Indus Civilization's ideological, social, and economic structure being a
key aspect.
One of the
central theories is that a failure of the Indus Civilization’s ideology may
have led to the downfall of Mohenjo-daro. The city, representing the ideals of
the Mature Harappan phase, was built on principles of urban planning, communal
living, and religious or ritual significance. If these foundational principles
were undermined—perhaps due to shifts in religious beliefs, political
authority, or economic systems—the city could have lost its cohesion and
purpose. The abandonment of crucial civic and religious structures, such as the
Great Bath and the Warehouse, suggests a decline in the social and
administrative functions that once sustained the city. These buildings, which
were central to Mohenjo-daro's identity and urban life, losing their relevance
or ceasing to be maintained might have been indicative of broader societal
breakdowns.
By 1900 BCE,
urban centers like Harappa and Mohenjo-daro ceased to function as complex
societies. Life persisted in the plains and mountains of northwestern India and
Pakistan. While older traditions persisted, significant cultural changes
occurred, including shifts in ideology and the adoption of new customs.
Around 1000
BCE, the widespread use of smelted iron marked a technological and cultural
transition. Alongside this development, the Vedas, foundational texts of
Hinduism, emerged, signalling the end of the Indus Age and the beginning of a
new historical phase more closely associated with the modern world.
The Harappan
civilization, in its mature form, appears to have ended around 1800 BC. For
years, the discovery of scattered skeletons in the ruins of Mohenjo-Daro fueled
theories of a violent invasion that massacred its inhabitants. However, more
recent findings suggest a more complex narrative. Not all the skeletons belong
to the civilization's final days, and signs indicate that the city experienced
a gradual decline before its eventual abandonment. Historical records and
archaeological evidence also point to significant population movements around
1700 BC, which may have contributed to the broader upheaval of that era.
Despite its
decline, the Harappan civilization did not vanish entirely at the onset of this
period. In fact, advances in agriculture during this time point to a thriving
adaptation of society. Staple winter crops like wheat and barley, once central
to Harappan diets, were joined by summer crops such as rice, millet, and
sorghum. These innovations, along with a mix of environmental and
socio-economic factors, likely destabilized the established urban centers. Even
so, aspects of Harappan material culture persisted into the second millennium
BCE, influencing settlements in the Indus Valley and extending as far as the
Ganges plain near present-day Delhi. Far from being annihilated, the Harappan
legacy contributed to the foundation of ancient Indian culture, shaping its
evolution well into the first millennium BCE.
Our
understanding of Mohenjo-Daro remains incomplete, with many questions
unanswered. Key aspects, such as the location of the city’s cemeteries or its
relationship with surrounding settlements, remain shrouded in mystery. Some
theories suggest that Mohenjo-Daro was a central hub, supported by smaller
outpost towns that supplied food and utilized its services. However, confirming
this theory is challenging due to the possibility that surrounding sites and
cemeteries have been buried under Indus River sediments or rendered
inaccessible by rising groundwater levels.
The platform
on which Mohenjo-Daro was built provides clues to its development and
challenges. Constructed from massive amounts of clay, the platform protected
the city from flooding in the Indus Valley, where annual sediment deposits
raised the river plains. However, the exact extent of groundwater rise over the
centuries remains uncertain, with estimates varying from 3 to 15 meters. Early
excavators believed this rise obliterated the oldest layers of the city,
limiting knowledge of its origins. Recent discoveries of kiln-fired pottery at
depths of 16 to 20 meters suggest the city’s earliest stages may still lie
buried.
Further
investigations have explored theories about the city's disappearance. One
theory proposes that Mohenjo-Daro was engulfed in mud following the bursting of
a natural dam on the Indus River. While clay deposits analyzed from the site’s
citadel area were thought to support this idea, subsequent granulometric
studies revealed that the clay was likely used for construction, not deposited
by flooding.
Archaeological
surveys have begun revealing parts of the city’s platform and surrounding
features. These findings suggest the clay for the platform might have been
extracted from areas near the site, potentially leaving trenches that could
still hold important artifacts. However, such trenches were often used as
refuse dumps, complicating the interpretation of finds like pottery at great
depths.
Despite the
city’s apparent demise, Mohenjo-Daro remains a vital subject of study. On-going
research seeks to clarify its development, social organization, and the causes
of its decline. While early theories, such as Mesopotamian influence, have
guided investigations, modern techniques and interdisciplinary approaches
promise to uncover new insights into this ancient urban marvel. Mohenjo-Daro’s
story is far from complete, offering endless possibilities for discovery and
understanding.